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Africans and
Indians: Only in America "If you believe people have no history worth mentioning it is easy to believe they have no humanity worth defending"
-William
Loren Katz
Alex Haley's successful tracking of Kunte Kinte gave the hunt for African ancestors a needed shove forward. But driven by their stubborn will and searching eye, as researchers fanned out in pursuit of African connections, another vision appeared. First as a recurring distraction, then a source of wonder, geological detectives stumbled on Native American ancestors. Alex Haley was hardly alone when he also discovered Native American roots to his family tree.
Though often unmentioned except in
family circles, this biological legacy has been shared by such
figures as Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King Jr., Langston
Hughes, Lena Horne, Alice Walker, Jesse Jackson, Michael Jackson and
L.L. Cool J. Today virtually every African American family tree
boasts an Indian branch.
This uniquely "only in America"
relationship began with the earliest foreign landings in the New
World. From Nova Scotia to Cape Horn, and along the jewel-like
islands of the Caribbean, Europeans imposed a slave system first on
Native Americans. Then, as millions of Indian fell victim to
overwork, disease and brutality, kidnapped Africans began to take
their places.
There in the misty dawn of the Americas two peoples of color began to meet in slave huts, on tobacco and cotton plantations, and as workers in dank mines. For two centuries Indians and Africans remained enslaved together, and Native Americans were not exempted from the system until after the Revolution. Scholar C. Vann Woodward has concluded "If the black-red inter-breeding was anywhere as extensive as suggested by the testimony of ex-slaves, then the monoracial concept of slavery in America requires revision."
The African-Indian connection also adds
a sharp new dimension to the issue of slave resistance. The first
evidence of Native American and African unity appears in a l503
communication to Spain's King Ferdinand from Viceroy Nicolas de
Ovando of Spain's headquarters on Hispaniola, now Haiti. Ovando
complained that his enslaved Africans "fled among the Indians and
taught them bad customs and never could be captured." In the last
four words the governor is describing more than a problem with
untrustworthy servants or the difficulties of retrieving runaways in
a rainforest. From his thin line of white colonies, he sees
Europeans confronting a new bi-racial enemy that has a base of
support in the interior. The budding coalition has new recruits
joining each week.
In Suriname, on the northern coast of
South America U.S. anthropologist Richard Price lived among and
recorded the origins of the Saramaka nation. Beginning in the 1680s
Saramakas combined Indians and Africans enslaved by Europeans.
Sacred Saramaka legends explained: "The Indians escaped first and
then, since they knew the forest, they came back and liberated the
Africans." This red hand of friendship extended to people of African
descent is an American tradition as deep and meaningful as the first
Thanksgiving. From Canada to Cape Horn, two peoples fled bondage,
united as husband and wife, brother and sister, mother and child,
and formed a military alliance.
Centuries before the Declaration of Independence talked of natural rights and sanctioned rebellion against tyranny, African-Indian alliances acted on these concepts as they pursued their American dream in the mountains beyond the white settlements dotting the coastline. In 1537 Viceroy Mendoza of Mexico, lamenting an insurrection by Africans, admitted "the Indians are with them." As slave revolts rocked the new European outposts in the Americas, they also enjoyed Native American support.
In hard-to-reach backwaters of the
Americas, two people of color people began to build their own
"maroon" colonies. Some were outlaw bands, raiders who preyed on
whites, slaves and Indians alike, and lived a short, brutish life.
But other maroons depended on family farming and herding and built
peaceful relations and trade with Indian villages, slaves, and
former masters.
European officials judged maroons, in the words of a French historian, "the gangrene of colonial society." Their success as independent economic societies refuted white claims of African inferiority. Each day Maroons proved once slaves wrenched free they could govern themselves and prosper. Further, maroon encampments served as beacons for discontented slaves in a radius of a hundred miles, and stood as a clear and present danger to the European conquest. Some whites saw maroons as a knife pressed against the thin line of their rule, and they had a point.
In a clockwork of military and legal
reflexes, European authorities sought to eradicate Black Indian
contacts and pit Red against Black. In l523 a Royal Order to
Hernando Cortez banned Africans from Indian villages. "Division of
the races is an indispensable [control] element" said a Spanish
officer. "Between the races we cannot dig too deep
a gulf," announced a French official.
Well-trained European armies ordered to
crush maroon colonies met their match in distant mountains and
jungles. "[Maroon] self-respect grows because of the fear whites
have of them," a white Brazilian wrote to King Joao of Portugal in
l719. Maroon songs resonated with victorious pride:
"Black man rejoice, White man won't come
here.
And if he does, the Devil will take him
off."
White commanders in resplendent uniforms
met defeat and chose retirement in distant European capitals.
Foreign soldiers had little stomach for
warfare in the wilderness against Black Indians, so Europeans hired
or conscripted Indians. These were experts in frontier warfare, but
their loyalty was questionable. In 1732 Spanish officials in
Venezuela threw 150 conscripted Indians and Africans, and 100 white
soldiers against Juan Andresote, a Black Indian, whom the Spanish
Crown saw as a business rival. When Adresote's guerrilla fighters
surrounded the invaders, their soldiers of color defected. Then, the
musket fire of Andresote's men finished the work, killing or
wounding more than half of the whites, as the rest scurried home.
Most maroon leaders were African-born,
but after 1700 leadership increasingly fell to those born to Black
Indian marriages, people familiar with European negotiations. Black
women, in short supply, sometimes played crucial roles in village
life. In Amazonia, Brazil, Filippa Maria Aranha, who ruled a
thriving colony, so adroitly maneuvered her armed forces against the
Portuguese, there was no defeating her and Portugal granted her
people freedom, independence and sovereignty.
The largest American maroon settlement
was the Republic of Palmares, a three-walled city of 11,000 in
northeastern Brazil. For almost the entire l7th century Palmares'
armies hurled back repeated Dutch and Portuguese military
expeditions. Finally, in 1794 Palmares was overrun, and according to
legend, its warriors, threw themselves over a cliff rather than
surrender.
In 1920 Carter G. Woodson, the father of
modern Black history, wrote that in North America entire libraries
were devoted to studies of the relationship between Africans and
Europeans and the relationship between Native Americans and
Europeans. But, said Dr. Woodson, the third part of the American
triangle remained unexplored. "One of the longest unwritten chapters
in the history of the United States is that treating of the
relations of the Negroes and the Indians." Woodson thought slaves
"found among the Indians one of their means of escape."
The very notion of "Black Indians" still
has most whites shaking their heads in disbelief or smiling at what
appears to be a joke, an unlikely play on words. No one remembers
any such person in a school text, western novel or Hollywood movie.
None ever appeared. Even in African American families Indian
connections were occasionally mentioned, but not as part of an
historic process. Despite the vital role of remembrance for
people of color, a gallant heritage remained hidden.
As researchers traced African roots
Indian connections could no longer be ignored. In the 1920s Columbia
University anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits, renowned for
documentation of African survivals in American life, conducted
interviews in New York, West Virginia and Washington, D.C. which
determined that a fourth to a third of African Americans had Indian
ancestors. Today in North American families the figure is closer to
95%.
Scholars have uncovered fascinating
glimpses of the historic legacy. In 1622 the colony of Jamestown,
Virginia was attacked by Native Americans but Africans were spared.
In 1763 during Pontiac's Indian uprising a Detroit resident reported
that Native Americans killed whites but were "saving and caressing
all the Negroes they take." He worried lest this might "produce an
insurrection." Chief Joseph Brant's Mohawks in New York welcomed
runaway slaves and encouraged intermarriage. Native American
adoption systems knew no color line and accepted the breathless
fugitives as sisters and brothers. Woodson's notion of an escape
hatch notion proved correct: Indian villages welcomed fugitives, and
served as stations on the underground railroad.
Native Americans were proud people, but
without prejudice, and lacked an investment in slavery. Enslaved
Africans near New Orleans fled to nearby Natchez villages, and by
1723 a free Black man commanded Natchez expeditions against the
French. One Black Indian village, Natanapalle, claimed 15 residents
with 11 muskets and ammunition, and another band camped across Lake
Pontchartrain.
British racial policy relied on divide and rule. 1721 most English settlements denied entrance to Indians and ten years later whites in Carolina who brought Blacks to frontier lands faced fines of 100 pounds. Louisiana Governor Etienne de Perier, whose African slaves escaped and united with Natchez Indians and in one raid destroy a French colony and left 200 whites dead, warned this "union between the Indian nations and the black slaves" could lead to "total loss" for his colony.
In British North America each treaty
with Native Americans provided for the return of runaways. In 1721
the Governor of Virginia made the Five Nations promise to return all
fugitives; in l726 the Governor of New York had the Iroquois
Confederacy promise; in l746 the Hurons promised and the next year
the Delawares promised. Compliance was another matter. According to
scholar Kenneth W. Porter none of these nations returned a slave.
British officials also offered staggering rewards to Indians who
would hunt fugitives. In Virginia price was 35 deerskins, and in the
Carolinas it was three blankets and a musket.
To finally seal off Native American
villages and make Indians partners, British merchants introduced
Africans as slaves to the Five Nations - Cherokees, Chickasaws,
Choctaws, Creeks and Seminoles.
Though less than 3% of Indian people
owned slaves, bondage created destructive cleavages in their
villages and promoted a class hierarchy based on "white blood."
Indians of mixed white blood stood at the top, "pure" Indians next,
and people mixed with blood of African descent were at the bottom.
In 1860 Indian populations figures over a 30-year period showed a
decline ranging from 20% to 40%, but the numbers of slaves had
increased to 2,511 for the Cherokees, 2,344 for the Choctaws 1,532
for the Creeks and 975 for the Chickasaws. Slavery had become a
major economic factor in each nation.
Indian masters, however, rejected the
worst features of southern white bondage. Travelers reported
enslaved Africans "in as good circumstances as their masters." A
white Indian Agent, Douglas Cooper, upset by the Native American
failure to practice a brutal form of bondage, insisted that Indians
invite white men live in their villages and "control matters."
Force, division and law threatened but failed to end Black- Indian friendships. Thomas Jefferson discovered among the Mattaponies of Virginia "more negro than Indian blood." The city of Los Angeles was founded in 1781 by forty-four people of whom all but two were African, Indian or a mixture of the two peoples. In the 1830s frontier artist George Catlin described "Negro and North American Indian, mixed, of equal blood" as "the finest built and most powerful men I have ever yet seen."
Prominent whites, including Governor
Perrier of Louisiana, claimed Indians had "a great aversion" to
Africans. But this was wishful thinking. In 1730 his Choctaw allies,
captured dozens of Black runaways who had served as military allies
of the Natchez nation, but then refused to surrender them. When the
Africans were finally returned after 18 months, they boasted of
their freedom with the Natchez and the Choctaw. An angry Perrier
reported the returnees had a new "spirit of laziness, independence
and insolence."
The greatest flowering and most militant
expression of the Black-Indian alliance took place in Florida.
Enslaved Africans fled bondage in Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama and
the Carolinas to make a new life on the penninsula claimed by Spain.
Around the time of the American Revolution, Africans welcomed the
Seminoles, a breakaway segment of the Creek nation, to the
penninsula and taught them rice cultivation methods they had learned
in Sierra Leone and Senegambia. On this basis the two peoples formed
an agricultural and military alliance that defeated repeated
invasions by U.S. slaveholding posses.
Finally, in 1819, to end a perceived
threat by U.S. slaveholders, the United States purchased Florida. By
this time African-run plantations stretched for fifty miles along
Florida's fertile Appalachicola river valley, and included herds of
cattle and horses. In Florida the Red and Black Seminoles fought the
United States Army, Navy and Marines to a standstill for four
decades, and some Seminoles never surrendered. In three Seminole
Wars the United States armed forces lost more than 1500 U.S.
soldiers, spent more than $40,000,000 and at times Seminole armed
forces tied up half of the U.S. Army on the peninsula. "This, you
may be assured," said U.S. General Thomas Jesup in l837, "is a
Negro, not an Indian war." It was both.
Once away from European rule, African
and Native American men and women found they had more in common than
a foe weilding muskets and whips.Scholar Claude Levi-Strauss found
both peoples had "precise knowledge" and "extreme familiarity with
their biological environment," and gave it "passionate attention."
Dr. Theda Perdue's study of the Cherokee nation found that red and
black people saw the spiritual and environmental as one, and common
activities such as rising in the morning, hunting and curing illness
as imbued with religious significance. Mountains and hills
represented divinities; people, animals and plants carried life's
messages; religion was not reserved for Sundays, but a matter of
daily reflection.
Indians and Africans both sought to live
harmoniously with nature, cherished kinship,
stressed cooperation and created
economies based on subsistence agriculture. Both peoples rejected
pursuit of worldly treasures, and allowed kinship rather than
ownership to dictate economic, social and judicial decisions and
marital customs. Individual roles were subservient to and flowed
from transcendent community duties.
Analysis of faunal materials from a
Black 18th century colony at Fort Mose, Florida, by Dr. Jane Landers
reveals that in their eating habits "Indian and black villages
resembled each other in many respects." Cherokee and other Native
American rulers, noted Perdue, governed not by obtuse legal
doctrines, but by an overarching, "friendly compact" members were
born into and agreed to follow. These societies contrasted with
European models that slashed the narrow ribbon of peace to pursue
individual wealth and regretted nothing but defeat.
By l860 African Americans has so
thoroughly mixed with Native Americans throughout the Atlantic
seaboard, that white legislators wanted to revoke their tax
exemptions. In the Oklahoma Indian Territory 18% of the Cherokees,
Choctaws, Chickasaws, Seminoles and Creeks were of African descent.
No less than in the North and South, the
Civil War tore Indian nations apart. Surrounded by Confederate
troops and influenced by Confederate Indian agents, most Native
Americans in Oklahoma felt they had little choice but follow the
Confederacy. However, in November 1861 hundreds of black and red
Indians led by Creek Chief Opothle Yahola, fought three pitched
battles against Confederate whites and Indians to reach Union lines
in Kansas, and offer their services. With the defeat of the
Confederacy and its Indian allies, northerners sought revenge and
the U.S. scrapped existing treaties with Native American
nations.
The Seminole nation made the most rapid
adjustment to emancipation, electing six Black members to its first
post-war governing Council. Black Seminoles began to build homes,
churches, schools and businesses. Cherokees and Creeks moved toward
equality somewhat slower and Choctaws and Chickasaws slower yet.
Whatever unfairness African Americans
felt living among Indians, they knew did not compare with what they
could expect from southern whites. "The opportunities for our people
in that [Indian] country far surpassed any of the kind possessed by
our people in the U.S.," wrote editor O.S. Fox of the Cherokee
Afro-American Advocate. His people knew that they lived among Indian
men and women who would never brutalize or lynch their sons and
daughters.
At the famous Congress of Angostura in
1819, liberator Simon Bolivar was elected President of Venezuela and
planned a military course that would eventually free the Americas of
foreign rule. But he also took time to talk of our racial history:
"It is impossible to say to which human
family we belong. The larger part of the
native population has disappeared,
Europeans have mixed with Indians and the Negroes, and the Negroes
have mixed with the Indians. We are all born of one mother America,
though our fathers had different origins. This dissimilarity is of
the greatest significance."
Many people of African descent found
escape and some located their American dream among Native Americans.
Together two peoples of color became the first freedom-fighters of
the Americas. Their courageous contribution to our legacy of
resistance to tyranny deserves greater recognition.
William Loren Katz is a historian
and author of almost 40 books on African American History. He
can be reached at wlkatz@aol.com.
"William Loren Katz said he refused to continue teaching American history story from textbooks he felt told a distorted story of white cowboys winning the West and an all-white Congress paving the way to democracy. "So for the past 40 years, Mr. Katz has directed his energy toward what he regards as correcting the pages of the nation's history - a history, he says that must include forgotten accomplishments of American blacks and
Indians. . .. 'A half history is
dangerous,'he said. 'The truth will set us all free.''
-The Washington Times
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