Colonial
Education In Africa
by
Walter Rodney
Rodney discusses at length the role of
education in producing Africans to serve the colonial system and
subscribe to its values. He notes that class stratification, which leads
to neocolonialism, begins with the linking of colonial education to
material gain. Rodney points out that
education is crucial in any type of
society for the preservation of the lives of its members and the
maintenance of the social structure . . . The most crucial aspect of
pre-colonial African education was its relevance to Africans in
sharp contrast with that which was later introduced (that is, under
colonialism). . . . [T]he main purpose of colonial school system was
to train Africans to participate in the domination and exploitation
of the continent as a whole . . . Colonial education was education
for subordination, exploitation, the creation of mental confusion
and the development of underdevelopment.[263]
In Mission to Kala, Medza's
colonial education makes him a privileged political and economic
functionary in a colonial system that militates against the interests of
his own people. Colonial education, therefore, creates a black elite to
succeed it and perpetuate its political and economic interests in the
post-independence period.
In discussing the role of colonial
education, Rodney shows that the roots of neocolonialism lie in
colonialism. This links African literature of the two periods because
neocolonialism is the result of a historical process of class formation
by colonialism. According to Colin Leys (1975), ". . . Absolutely
central to neocolonialism, is the formation of classes or strata within
a colony which are closely allied to and dependent on foreign capital,
and which form the real basis of support for the regime which succeed
the colonial administration." The neocolonial situation in Ngugi's
Devil on the Cross is a legacy and a logical consequence of the
situation depicted in Beti's Mission to Kala. Rodney also
observes that the colonial machinery created a military elite that later
became military dictators in the post-independence era. A good example
is Sam, the military despot in Achebe's Anthills of the Savannah.
Rodney also observes that
the educated Africans were the most
alienated Africans on the continent. At each further stage of
education, they were battered and succumbed to the white capitalist
system, and after being given salaries, they could then afford to
sustain a style of life imported from outside . . . That further
transformed their mentality." [275]
Colonial education did more than corrupt
the thinking and sensibilities of the African, it filled him/her with
abnormal complexes which de-Africanized and alienated him/her from the
needs of his/her environment. Colonial education has thus dispossessed
and put of out the control of the African intellectual the necessary
forces for directing the life and development of his/her society. The
narrator in
Dambudzo Marechera's House of Hunger, for instance, is
culturally alienated because of his Western education. In Mission to
Kala, Medza's role model is America. Medza cannot make decisions in
relation to the needs of his society nor have a new vision relevant to
African society:
Then, to make my ideas more
intelligible, I decided to illustrate them with an example. I found
myself (somewhat to my surprise) telling these simple people about
New York . . . It was child's play to describe New York, probably
because my only knowledge of it derived from the cinema. (Beti:
1964:65)
Colonial
education taught Medza everything that is irrelevant to his African
life. In Charles Mungoshi's Waiting for the Rain, Lucifer
similarly feels alienated from his homeland because of his colonial
education. In Song of Lawino and Song of Ocol, Okot
P'Bitek laments a situation in which colonial education emasculates the
emerging African elite: "my husband's house is a dark forest of books .
. . /Their manhood was finished in the classrooms, their testicles were
smashed with big books." (P'Bitek: 1985: 117) In Decolonizing the
Mind, Ngugi observes that the lack of congruency between colonial
education and Africa's reality created people abstracted from their
reality. Little wonder, therefore that the negritude poets try to
achieve disalienation through identification with Africa, African values
and African origins. They yearn for their lost identity and the lost
African heritage. Leon Dumas writes that the whites "have stolen the
space that was mine." Tchicaya U'Tamsi laments that the whites have left
the blacks in "a dark corner somewhere . . . gone are the forests where
sung and danced the inspired priestess . . . the great Western world
holds me in fee . . . Something in me is lost forever."
Christianity,
education, and colonial administrative systems
Rodney also analyzes the
interrelationship between Christianity, colonial education, and
administrative systems. In Homecoming, Ngugi says that to gain
"acceptability and perpetuation, the colonialists enlist the services of
Christianity and Christian oriented education . . . To capture the soul
and the mind . . ." (1982). In Achebe's Things Fall Apart, the
newly converted Christians renounce their traditional lifestyle, thus
advancing the cause of colonialism. In Oyono's The Old Man and the
Medal, Meka gives up his land to the priests:
And now lived in a small wretched hut in
the village which has given its name to the mission and lay at the foot
of the Christian cemetery. (Oyono: 1967: 9)
In Houseboy, Toundi renounces his
natural father in favor of Father Gilbert, the head of the colonial
church. In Beti's The Poor Christ Of Bomba and King Lazarus,
father Drumont and father Le Guen respectively use Christianity to
consolidate their control over the indigenous people and thus maintain
the security of the oppressor. Gicaamba in I'll Marry When I Want
notes that:
Religion is not the same thing as
God.
When the British imperialists came here in 1895,
All the missionaries of all the churches
Held the Bible in the left hand,
And the gun in the right hand.
The white man wanted us
To be drunk with religion
While he,
In the meantime,
Was mapping and grabbing our land
And starting factories and businesses
On our sweat. [Ngugi: 1982: 56-7]
The European exploiters, oppressors and
grabbers use Christianity as a tool to explain the manifest
contradictions portrayed in African literature because of
the working out of broader historical forces.
Amilcar Cabral's "National Liberation and
Culture," which defines the relationship between culture and
colonialism, explores the relationship between culture and social class.
Cabral's analysis aids the reader's understanding of African literature
by putting into its proper historical perspective the crisis of identity
and its implications portrayed artistically by many African writers.
Cabral defines culture as the result of economic and political
activities as they appear on the ideological and idealist levels.
Culture has its basis in a society's level of productive forces and in
the character of the dominant mode of production. Thus,
culture is the result, with more or
less awakened consciousness, of economic and political activities,
the more or less dynamic expression of the type of relations
prevailing within that society, on the one hand between man
(considered individually and collectively) and nature, on the other
hand, among individuals, groups of individuals, social strata or
social classes." [1980: 141]
Culture may be dynamic, but only in the
sense of being a continuing record of a society's achievements and an
important element in sustaining resistance to foreign domination.
Colonialism's Destruction of Indigenous
Culture
Colonialism, however, denied Africa the
right to cultural development and self expression and set up a state of
siege that it justified with theories about cultural assimilation. In
Oyono's Houseboy, colonial culture plays the role that Cabral
observes above. The implications behind Toundi's question, "what are we
black men who are called French?", pervade the whole novel. He asks this
when he becomes aware that his "French identity", imposed on him by
colonialism, identifies him with the colonial culture and values of his
oppressors. In
Charles Mungoshi's Waiting for the Rain, old Mandengu and
Garabha's drums with Uncle Kuruku's ndungu become symbolic vestiges of
an African culture besieged by colonialism. In Oyono's The Old Man
and the Medal, colonialism perpetuates cultural imperialism by
setting up "whiteness" and its values as a superior quality that
deserves emulation. Cabral's conclusion that National Liberation is an
act of culture parallels Ousmane's views in Man and His Culture
that, in tempestuous periods like that of the anti-colonial struggle,
the only artistic expression is the armed struggle. Liberation struggle
to Cabral rejects cultural domination by the foreign power by denying
the culture of the oppressor. Thus, Cabral argues that the tie between a
people's identity and the reproduction and maintenance of the social
system of a specific set of institutions affects both culture and the
people's intimate sense of selfhood.
Colonialism by "denying to the dominated
people their own historical process, necessarily denies their cultural
process." (Cabral: 142) In Mongo Beti's The Poor Christ Of
Bomba and King Lazarus, the structures that the colonialists
introduce affect both the people's culture and their sense of selfhood.
In the two novels, Tala and Essazam societies respectively are
culturally transformed by the introduction of the capitalist cash nexus,
bourgeoisie religions, and European educational systems. Oyono, in
Houseboy and The Old Man and the Medal, portrays colonialism
as undermining and suppressing indigenous culture and its institutions.
The alternatives colonialism provides for these are schools, stores,
roads and hospitals -- structures that the colonialists use to impose
and consolidate their own culture on the colonized thereby altering the
African culture. Cabral argues that imperialist domination "for its own
security requires cultural oppression and the attempt at direct or
indirect destruction of the essential elements of the culture of the
dominated people" (142).
Cabral also proves that culture reflects
the aspirations of the "petty bourgeoisie," which, like those of all
other classes, derives from their class. The new African ruling middle
class is underdeveloped, has no economic power, and, therefore, reflects
the culture of the metropolitan bourgeoisie with whom it economically
allied itself to exploit the own people. Memebers of the new African
ruling middle class have assimilated the colonizers' mentality and
regard themselves as "culturally superior." Their imitative culture
reflects the political and economic dependence of this class on the
metropolitan bourgeoisie and this has been the focus of many African
writers who deal with the theme of cultural influence. In Xala
and The Last of Empire, Ousmane criticizes cultural imperialism
in the Francophone postcolonial state. In Xala, Ousmane satirizes
Oumi N'doye's worship of everything from France. Ousmane also uses El
Hadji Kader Beye's sexual impotence ("xala") to symbolize the lack of
creativity and the economic impotence of the new middle class rulers who
are not, in the words of Frantz Fanon, "engaged in production, nor in
invention, nor building, nor labor; it is completely canalized into
activities of the intermediary type. Its innermost vocation seems to be
to keep in the running and be part of the racket." El Hadji says to the
Chamber of Commerce:
Are we businessmen? I say no! Just
clodhoppers . . . We are nothing better than crabs in a basket. We
want the ex-occupier's place? We have it . . . Yet what change is
there really in general or in particular? The colonialist is
stronger, more powerful than before, hidden inside us . . . What are
we? Clodhoppers! Agents! Petty traders! In our fatuity we call
ourselves "businessmen"! Businessmen without funds. (Ousmane: 1976:
91-2)
In The Last of Empire, Ousmane
portrays the young generation as avid to embrace the foreign colonial
culture that the older generation had fought to remove. Mamlat Soukube
has an extreme fondness for clothes from Europe and America. This is a
clear demonstration of cultural imperialism that the shoes and jackets
that Meka buys in The Old Man and the Medal also symbolize.
Professor D. Westermann in The African Today (p. 331) writes that
"the wearing of European clothes, whether rags or the most up-to-date
style; using European furniture . . . Contribute (from the black man's
point of view) to a feeling of equality with the European and his
achievements." In Devil on the Cross, Ngugi satirizes the
worship, by the new middle class, of all that is foreign and their
revulsion for all that is local. He portrays the new ruling class as
reluctant to embrace the revolutionary culture of the masses because
they have developed into an exploitative comprador class who want to
remain unchanged. This artistic portrayal coincides with Cabral's
objective analysis that the class character of cultures gives National
Liberation a positive or negative appeal to each class.
Cabral believes that, essentially the
colonial country and the neocolonial country suffer from the same
problem: "Violent usurpation of the freedom of development of the
national productive forces." According to him, National Liberation frees
the nation's productive forces from all kinds of foreign domination. In
other words, it destroys imperialist control. This helps to explain, in
African literature, the initial failure by the
writers to distinguish between juridical and economic independence.
Anti-colonial African literature like Achebe's Things Fall Apart
tended to impute African society's problems to color prejudice rather
than class conflict. It was only after none of the promised benefits of
independence occurred, that African writers began producing works like
Ngugi's Petals of Blood that show African society's
contradictions to be rooted in class conflict. Cabral believes that
among the peasants, who are "the repository of the national culture,"
are also the source of cultural resistance. According to him, contact
with the rich cultural tradition of the peasants may transform the
mentality of the "petty bourgeoisie" and make them play a leading role
in the struggle for national liberation. The bourgeoisie must thus
commit suicide as a class and then align themselves with the peasants.
There is no better, more graphic example of this than the closing scene
in Ousmane's Xala where the beggars spit on El Hadji.
The quest for identity and cultural
dignity is peculiar only to the petty bourgeoisie. This accounts for the
negritude poetry of Senghor and other works of cultural national
struggle. Cabral also shows that the culture of the people is a culture
of resistance and struggle and that it historically opposes the culture
of the oppressor -- that of counterrevolution and violence. Thus, in
Oyono's Houseboy and The Old Man and the Medal, the
colonized people's culture of resistance expresses itself in the illegal
brewing of beer, in lying to whites and in manipulating the aggressive
structures of colonialism to further the struggle. In Ngugi's
Matigari, the main character wages a guerilla war against the
neocolonial regime. According to Cabral, "the armed liberation struggle
is an act of making history bear fruit, the highest expression of our
culture and our Africanness. At the moment of victory, it must be
translated into a significant leap forward of the culture of the people
who are liberating themselves. If this does not happen, then the efforts
and sacrifices made during the struggle will have been in vain. The
struggle will have failed in its aims" (Cabral: 153).
Ngugi's "Writing Against Neocolonialism"
shows that African literature developed as a direct response to concrete
historical conditions, which transformed the function and both
ideology of the African writer and the artistic forms used. Ngugi
argues that the African writers who emerged after the second world war
experienced three modal stages in their growth: (1) anti-colonial
struggle, (2) independence, and (3) neocolonialism.
The Decade of Hope
The 1950s was the decade of hope during
which most African countries gained independence as anti-imperialist
movements triumphed. African writers born in this decade had an
anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, yet hopeful mood, which explains the
assertive and optimistic nature of the writing of the period.
Colonialism had tried to justify its oppression and exploitation by
resorting to claims of racial superiority. The new African writer
countered such claims by producing artistic works that showed that
Africa had its own history, culture, and civilization that were equal if
not superior to that of the imperialists. The writers saw their
societies "put away the complexes of the years of denigration and self
abasement imposed on them by colonialism." The most representative works
of this period include Achebe's Things Fall Apart set in Umuofia,
an independent and "progressive" society before the intrusion and
entrenchment of colonialism. However, while reshaping Africa's distorted
history, Achebe does not idealize it. He shows that African society had
its own contradictions and spiritual crises before the intrusion of
colonialism.
Achebe's approach sharply contrasts to
the
negritude writers of the same period, such as Senghor, Laye and
others, whose artistic works idealize Africa. The ideological concerns
of the African writer reflected the general mood of African nationalism.
These writers erroneously analyzed imperialism and social situations
from the standpoint of racial instead of class conflict. African writer
remolded the English language to suit their subversive purposes. Thus,
Achebe in Things Fall Apart and The Arrow of God used Ibo
modes of expression to reflect Ibo culture. The development of the novel
in Africa was also due to the rise of a class -- all the authors, Achebe,
Laye, Ngugi, were members of an emerging educated African elite, and
their works were directed at foreign audiences and local audiences who
belonged to their own socio-economic classes.
The Period of Moral
Critique
The rise of government by dictatorship
throughout Africa, which characterized the 1970s, perpetuated the
political, economic, and social practices of colonialism. The age of
independence also witnessed the emergence of social classes and class
contradictions -- a development that disappointed and shocked many
African writers, who created artistic works expressing disillusionment
with postcolonial African society. Achebe's A Man of the People
and Armah's The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born -- the novels
most representative of this period did not fully grasp the source of the
manifest contradictions. They mistakenly argued that the cause of
Africa's problems lay in the new leaders' lack of moral direction. At
this time, writers therefore saw their role as that of transforming
society (and its leaders) by means of moral enlightenment. The works of
this period thus subscribed to a liberal humanist ideology that pleaded
with the oppressed. In Oyono's Houseboy, the protagonist, Toundi,
dies because of the oppressive neocolonial system.
The writers of this period intended the
pathos and emotive power of their works to instigate the oppressors to
initiate a political and economic reorganization of society in the
interest of the oppressed. However, some critics maintain that the
intentions (of the pathos and bitterness of these novels) were to whip
the emotions of the people into revolutionary action. The artistic forms
reflect the ideological content, for writers used satire and ridicule as
"corrective narrative techniques" to enlighten their society morally.
The despair that pervades these works, which portray the oppressed as
trapped and helpless, arises in the writers' political misunderstanding.
The historical events of the 1970s
revealed even more clearly the transition from colonialism to
neocolonialism that had begun during the 1960s. Writers began to
understand that the roots of social contradictions and conflicts lay in
class differentiations not color. Some works representative of this
period include Ngugi's The Devil on the Cross, Pepetela's
Mayombe, and Sahle Sellasie's Firebrands. These novels
portray conflict in terms of class conflict and from the perspective of
the oppressed -- the workers and the peasants. The writers delegate the
revolutionary vanguard role to the people themselves. The authors were
implicitly disgusted with the educated elite who cannot initiate a
struggle and bestow their faith in the peasants themselves or suggest
ways to solve Africa's contradictions. The writer saw his or her role as
that of instigating the people into a revolutionary struggle. There is
also the realization that women are the most exploited in an aggressive
society. Thus, Mumbi in Ngugi's A Grain of Wheat, Sophie in
Oyono's Houseboy, Adja Awa Astou in Ousmane's Xala, and Waringa
in Ngugi's Devil on the Cross, are all women exploited.
While socialist ideology form the basis
for these works, the artistic forms of oral songs and other dynamic
orature techniques show that they are directed to a new audience, the
peasantry. The latter factor has led to a fierce debate about what
constitutes African literature. Ngugi argues that writing in foreign
languages perpetuates neocolonialism and that all African literature in
English is really Euro-African literature and not African literature.
Ngugi, in rebellion against foreign domination, wrote his novel Devil
on the Cross in Gikuyu because "writing in Gikuyu does not cut me
off from other language communities because there are always
opportunities for translation" (On Writing: 155). Ngugi, however,
overlooks the fact that something is always changed, added, or lost in
translation." Ngugi's insistence on Gikuyu also raises the problem of
the "double audience" in African literature: Since the writer wishes to
address both internal and external audiences, there has to be a neutral
language. That neutral language is English, but then, Ngugi considers
English a colonial language. According to him, the
African writer of the 80s has no
choice but to join in the people's struggle for survival. In that
situation, he will have to confront the languages spoken by the
people in whose service he has put his pen. Such a writer will have
to rediscover the real language of struggle in the actions and
speeches of his people, learn from their great optimism and faith in
the capacity of human beings to remake their world and renew
themselves . . . He must be part of the song of the people.
In saying this, Ngugi overlooks two
problems. First, can writers say effectively, through a "native"
language, what they have to say? We have to consider that sometimes we
cannot find the right word to express what we feel. Indeed, Ngugi
himself is not well versed in the Gikuyu he brandishes as a weapon
against neocolonialism. Second, even if writers can say what they want
effectively, there is no guarantee that the readers will decipher the
intended message.
We cannot, however, ignore what Ngugi
says about language. There is nothing wrong in theorizing on the use of
a "native" language in literature, which works well in the theater; the
problem is in its practicality. The one point on which I agree
completely with Ngugi is his emphasis that African writers of the '80s
should align themselves with the masses, even if it means risking jail
or exile. For the only alternative would be for the writer to become a
state functionary via self-censorship.
In conclusion, a reading of the three
articles makes African literature clearer and easier to understand for
they bring out the truth about African literature. They examine the
political, economic and social circumstances that impelled the
sensitivity and ideologies of African literature and writers on
colonialism respectively. They also discuss the historical connections
that make it possible to analyze African literature dealing with
pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial phases of African history.
Now the way forward. One way forward is
for the middle class to "betray the calling fate has marked out for it."
That is, its subservience to the bourgeoisie of the motherland and the
exploitation of its own people that leads to a psychic split. It should
put at its peoplešs disposal "the intellectual and technical capital
that it has snatched when going through the colonial universities."
However, there is a gradual (globalization) and consequent disappearance
of the middle class which according to Scott Lash and John Urry (1993:
300), has resulted (in western societies) from the "decentralization of
population and industry; the declining attractiveness of mass
organizations; the increased emphasis upon the localš; the pursuit of
sectional interests; the declining salience of class; and the
transgression of fixed boundaries by a set of new cultural forms." In
the light of this, another way forward (for the arts) is the formation
of what Gramsci calls organic intellectuals -- writers who are in touch
with the masses -- as opposed to the traditional intellectuals of the
ruling class who write from sequestration. Having said this, literature
or art in general, needs to be freed from politics and history. It must
address the question of change - it must deal with the vagaries of
virtual reality versus the humdrum of societies. It must adapt and
become spontaneous in its response to things as they happen in society.
It must write about today for today is tomorrow.
Bibliography
Achebe, C. 1987. Anthills of the
Savannah. London: Heinemann.
_____. 1985. Things Fall Apart.
Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House.
. 1973. in (ed) Killian, G. D. "The
Novelist As Teacher" in African writers On African Writing.
London: Heinemann.
_____. 1964. Arrow of God. London:
Heinemann.
Armah, A. K. 1974. Why Are We So
Blest? London: Heinemann.
_____. 1973. Two Thousand Seasons.
London: Heinemann.
reprinted from African Post Colonial
Literature in English
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